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David Irving was born in Essex, England in 1938, the son of the Royal Naval Historian Commander John Irving.

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Mr. Irving was educated at Sir Anthony Brown School in Brentwood and went on to win a scholarship to study physics at London University.

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In 1959, he traveled to Germany and was employed as a worker in a steel factory, learning the German language in the process.

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He is the author of more than 20 books, including a definitive three-volume biography of Adolf Hitler, The War Path, and Hitler's War,

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as well as The Destruction of Dresden, The Trail of the Fox, Uprising, and his latest, Churchill, Triumph and Decline.

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The Sussex printing place where Mr. Irving's magazine Focal Point was produced was burned to the ground by Mr. Irving's enemies.

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His apartment has been burglarized and he's been arrested by the State Police of Austria in 1983 on trumped-up charges in the course of a lecture tour.

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Mr. Irving considers himself a dissident rather than a revisionist historian,

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and Hugh Trevor Roper, writing in the Sunday paper,

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The Times stated,

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No praise can be too high for Irving's indefatigable scholarly industry.

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Mr. Irving, thank you for joining me today.

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There is a continuing debate about the uses of war propaganda.

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There is a new book out now called Faces of the Enemy, which talks about this theme,

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the idea of producing a vicious image of the Hun or the raping Negro or whatever.

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How do you see that process as sort of an anachronistic leftover from World War II?

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We seem to still be in the middle of World War II.

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What's your propaganda heroine now?

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This is the basic problem.

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The people who set the propaganda machine in motion and are not denying that when you're fighting a war, you need propaganda, psychological warfare.

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The people who set the propaganda machine in motion are the generals and the ministers and the heads of the psychological warfare departments.

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And when a war is over, they don't have any vested interest in standing up one minute after Victory Day and saying,

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All right, fellas, we lied to you.

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Now we can tell you the truth.

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Idi Amin was a nice guy.

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Adolf Hitler.

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Mao Zedong.

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Whatever you want to say.

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They don't say that.

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So the lies have a kind of momentum of their own.

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The flywheel of propaganda continues to churn out the same old lies because anybody who stands up and put his hand on that flywheel to try and stop it is going to get burned.

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There seems to be almost a demon theory of history with regard to World War II and that chief demon being Adolf Hitler.

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How do you feel about that?

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Yes, there's no question at all.

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In England, when we went into the war in 1939, we were told that we were fighting on behalf of Poland.

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Well, nobody tried to maintain it.

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We maintained that in 1945.

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In 1940, imperceptibly, the war aim of the British people was shifted by Winston Churchill to pretend that we had to fight to defend the British Empire.

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And in June 1940, Churchill began saying,

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Not all that was a complete lie.

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The British Empire was never under attack by Nazi Germany.

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Japan, of course, is a different case.

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But Nazi Germany, Adolf Hitler had repeatedly said that he wanted only good for Britain and the British Empire.

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Secretly, he told the British government that he was willing to provide German forces to help to throw any aggressors out of the British Empire anyway, including Italy.

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Japan and the Soviet Union, his own allies.

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And December 1941, of course, that had to be changed again because the Americans, the United States, weren't going to fight to defend the British Empire.

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And so we were told that we were fighting the devil incarnate, Adolf Hitler.

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And this was the propaganda lie that was built up.

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And, of course, that propaganda lie has been churned out ever since then by Hollywood, by Madison Avenue, by the broadcasting corporations, the media, the television of the Western world.

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You have to say, there was a lot of people who were killed in World War II.

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And for somebody to stand up and say, well, you know what?

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It's a lie.

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You have to stand up now and say, it was all a big lie because we had to tell the lie to make people fight the Germans.

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A lot of people are going to be very unhappy, including us, including the British.

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And yet it would appear almost absurd from the standpoint of mainstream history and seemingly the whole weight of academic historians who have insisted that Adolf Hitler was, in fact, this demonic figure.

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Yes, but the trouble is that the academic historians, very nice, charming people, most of them, they have no time to do original research.

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By original research, I mean they don't have time.

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They don't have time to do what I did, which is to spend ten years of my life researching the original documentation on Adolf Hitler, looking for those lies, looking for the original, looking for any evidence that Hitler knew about the Holocaust, for example.

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Anything which would make him worse in any way than Churchill or Roosevelt or Stalin or Truman.

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And you don't find it.

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When you look in the original records, you don't find it.

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You only find it if you look in the books of the academic historians because they're all quoting each other.

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They're all quoting each other and they don't bother to look for the original records.

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You've written a book about the German invasion.

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It's an atomic bomb.

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And I'm wondering whether or not you feel that had Germany gotten the bomb first, whether or not it would have used it on civilian populations in the same way it utilized the V1s and V2s.

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I think the evidence is that they probably wouldn't have done.

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I don't think that Hitler would have used the atomic bomb the way the United States did.

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The evidence of this is quite simple.

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If you look at the direct parallel, the use of poison gas.

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The Germans had poison gases.

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In fact, they had nerve gases.

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The Germans were the world's forerunners.

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They were the world's forerunners in the field of the invention of nerve gases.

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They invented tarim, sabun, the famous nerve gases that were still used by the Russians even now in Afghanistan and Angola.

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And they had 10, 20, 30,000 tons of these nerve gases during the war.

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But Adolf Hitler again and again ordered his staff, we will never use poison gas.

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I'm not going to allow the use of poison gas anywhere even if it would win a battle or a victory for us.

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The enemy must use it first and we will then retaliate because the Germans had signed the Geneva Convention.

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And although this isn't the received picture of Hitler that we have now, this is very much what's in the documents.

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We see Hitler ordering that poison gas is never to be used.

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We see Winston Churchill in July 1944 trying to persuade his general staff to allow the British to bring a surprise poison gas attack on German cities.

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So I think that although the evidence is thin, this is very iffy and putty.

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We have to say that if the Germans had the atomic bomb, they probably would have demonstrated it first somewhere before using it on a civilian city.

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Look at the bombing of Britain.

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For 12 long months, no British town was bombed.

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Hitler wouldn't allow the bombing of any British towns.

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He absolutely forbade the bombing of London until Churchill began the bombing of Berlin in August 1940.

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The evidence there is solidly in that direction also.

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But of course this isn't the picture you get if you read the modern history books.

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You get a completely different picture.

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Although establishment historians suggest that the Germans set a pattern for barbaric civilian population bombing during the Spanish Civil War.

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Do you feel that that's correct?

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No.

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It is hui.

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They look at the air raid on Guernica in April 1937.

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Well, I went to Guernica and I had a look over the records there.

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And I looked in the diaries of the German airmen responsible.

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Field Marshal Richthofen, later German Air Force Field Marshal.

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He was at that time the commander of the Legion Condor, which was operating in Spain on behalf of General Franco's forces.

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A total of nine planes, I repeat, nine planes, three times three, went in and bombed a bridge at Guernica.

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The bridge was invisible because of the dust.

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That part of Spain gets very dusty in the summer.

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And the clouds of dust and smoke obscured the target.

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These nine planes dropped their tiny bomb loads.

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Well, German planes at that time, they didn't have bomb loads like the later B-17s or British Lancasters and Serlings or Halifaxes.

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They had tiny bomb loads.

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These nine planes dropped their bombs on Guernica.

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The retreating communists who pulled out of the town shortly afterwards set fire to the whole town.

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A total of 97 people were killed in the air raid on Guernica.

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97 people.

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I mean, less people than that are killed on the roads of California on one Easter weekend, probably.

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A total of 97 people.

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I know this because I checked over the death registers of that town.

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I do that kind of research.

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I didn't believe the newspapers.

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But, of course, Guernica, the Spanish Civil War, is now all propaganda.

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Pablo Picasso's famous picture of Guernica.

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Of course, that is symbolic for the kind of lies that emerge.

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We know, if you look at the Pablo Picasso record, you find out that Picasso painted that particular painting.

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He began the sketches.

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He began to work on that painting long before the Spanish Civil War even began.

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But, of course, truth is very often stranger than fiction.

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There is a parallel often drawn between the German bombing of the city of Coventry and the bombing of Dresden.

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How would you compare the two casualty raids and destruction on each?

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In the German bombing of Coventry, about 300 people were killed.

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Coventry was the biggest manufacturing town in Britain, producing aero engines, producing motor engines.

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It's famous for this.

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There's no denying that.

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If you look in the German Air Force archives, you can find the target maps that were issued to the pilots,

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the Pathfinder squadrons who had the job of marking the town of Coventry,

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and you can see the aero engine factories are quite clearly marked as the main aiming points.

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The Germans carried out a precision air raid.

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The bombing, of course, spilled over into the residential part of the town,

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did a great deal of damage to the gas mains, the electricity supplies, and so on.

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It became a copybook example of what you can do to an industrial town,

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not so much by the damage to the factories,

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but by the damage to the services supplying the factories.

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The actual factories were knocked out for about two or three months.

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But the morale of the working population declined so much

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that this probably did about 12 months loss of production in that town.

